Giddens
analytically distinguishes practical consciousness from discursive
consciousness, but affirms that both converge in many moments of social
interaction. In the realm of discursive
consciousness, “discursive capabilities do not just take the form of
propositional statements: ‘discourse’ has to include modes of expression which
are often treated as uninteresting in sociological research – such as humour,
sarcasm and irony” (Constitution of
Society).
A
living language is primarily practical consciousness not only because it is
both a medium and a product of social interaction. It is practical consciousness because, in
every living language, most ordinary speakers or most native speakers know and
use the linguistic rules, and the exceptions to these rules, without being able
to state or explain them adequately.
Practical
consciousness of a rule involves genuine knowledge or skill that is learned and
taught in the doing, and somebody who has mastery of a rule rarely has to “interpret”
or “think” (or “talk to some inner self” about) that rule while enacting that
rule (New Rules).
Rules
and skills for an interaction are not only linguistic. They include the continuous monitoring of one’s
body, of the other bodies present, of the resources the bodies carry, and the
setting of the interaction. Thus, an
understanding of rules is inadequate when it is not closely connected to the
use or the availability of resources.
Practical consciousness is tacit knowledge of how to proceed, how to go
on, especially in the day-to-day contexts of social existence.
In
a routine context of interaction, practical consciousness is expressed in a
procession of gestures, facial expressions, and conventional remarks, each one
of which is, in that context, regular or rational enough so much so that
neither the agents nor participant observers see the need for an explanation of
each act right after each act is done.
Practical consciousness, however, is not mechanical, no matter how
routine is the context.
Practical
consciousness entails a continuous monitoring of both one’s own and the other’s
behaviour, for the regularity or rationality of even a small gesture does not
depend on the gesture itself but on its timeliness and position within the
continuous process of an interaction in a specific setting.
For
example, a simple smile, which had passed unremarked in one moment, could
provoke a demand for an explanation if inserted in another moment or in a
different setting. Any agent could be
queried also about one’s untimely silence or pause in a conversation.
To
routinely know both the convenient and the inconvenient continuities and
discontinuities of interaction in a particular context entails skills that
mostly have been learned after a long period of time or after repeated
immersions in such or similar contexts.
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