Sunday, August 30, 2009

For Optional Bloc Voting in 2010

Optional bloc voting in the 2010 elections is one of the practical and easy ways to strengthen the political party system, and thus strengthen democracy, in the Philippines. Optional bloc voting entails that the design of the election ballot will allow a voter who wants to vote for all the national candidates of a particular party from president, vice-president, to the 12 senators to simply mark a box corresponding to the party. Since this is optional, those who still want to mix the candidates of different parties can do so by shading the boxes in front of their names in the long ballot for the automated elections.
Optional bloc voting will make voting easier for those who do vote straight for a party's national candidates, and will make the counting easier, as long as the counting machines are programmed properly. More importantly, optional bloc voting will encourage the candidates to actively campaign for their parties and to take their party platforms seriously. Thus it will strengthen party discipline, loyalty, and teamwork.
Yesterday, I asked Comelec Chair Jose Melo about the possibility of optional bloc voting in the coming elections, and he said that it would require a law and it did not seem feasible because of insufficient time plus its negative baggage because it was practiced during the 1978 Interim Batasang Pambansa (Transitional National Parliament) elections in which Ninoy Aquino and the Laban candidates were cheated and the Kilusang Bagong Lipunan (New Society Movement) of the Marcos dictatorship swept the polls.
Chair Melo might be unaware that bloc voting was practiced during the Commonwealth period before the Second World War, and it is practiced with favorable results in some current democracies. Even though I believe that, strictly speaking, a new law is not required for the Comelec to design the ballot to facilitate optional bloc voting, Congress might have to pass a law in order to obligate the Comelec to offer the option to voters. Conscientious citizens should clamor both Congress and the Comelec to offer Filipinos this option so we can strengthen our democracy. The return of optional bloc voting can be considered one of the priorities for parties today.

Thursday, August 27, 2009

Bread & Freedom: A 1975 Ninoy Aquino Letter

Below is a reproduction of a letter that Benigno 'Ninoy' Aquino Jr, at the height of his hunger strike in prison during Martial Law, wrote to one of his lawyers, Raul M. Gonzalez, one of the few persons who would visit and talk with him periodically in his prison cell. This letter is published for the first time.

April 7, 1975
6:25 pm

Atty. Raul Gonzalez
p e r s o n a l

My dearest Raul:

I'm afraid this will be my last letter. I feel very, very weak and my coordination is bad. My knees are wobbly and as of this moment, I've already lost 13 pounds (161-148). But I cannot rest till I've written you a few words of thanks for everything.

I'm sure you've come across--in your readings--some of the teachings of Confucius, the great Chinese sage on the dichotomy of life which he postulated in his ying-yang principle. Marx calls its dialectics. Mao calls it the law of contradictions. To Lenin, it is the law of opposites.

Give it any label, it is still the ying-and-the-yang. According to the Old Guru, in every strength there is a lurking weakness (the Achilles heel) and in every dark cloud there is a silver lining.

If we are to apply this principle to our present situation, there must be a lurking weakness in the seemingly awesome powers and strength of Marcos. And this weakness, I think, lies in the field of morals and moral leadership. True we have lost the bulk of our LP following especially among the governors, mayors and councilors who have been cowed into submission and subservience. But what we lost in quantity, we have gained in quality among the religious, the students, the enlightened labor elements and the middle intelligentsia.

Hence, when you tried to dissuade me from taking the final plunge, I tried to explain to you the need to snatch the moral leadership in the present struggle. We must show by example, not mere words, to our people that there are still a few who would willingly risk death to attain liberation.

Describing the state of affairs in Hitler's Germany in the middle thirties, Niebuhr had this to say: "Our society is like a woman who throws a garish dress over underwear that is unwashed for months, soiled and rugged." He could say the same thing about our society today. Our job is clear: ours is to expose the truth.

Disproportions of power anywhere in the human community are fruitful of injustice, but a system which gives some men absolute power over other men results in evils which are worse than injustice. I think that you will agree with me that this is so.

Some observers have commented that in the hierarchy of values of the Filipino, security comes before liberty because the mass still wallows in poverty, are devoid of special skills that provide regular income, are exposed to the perils of an economy controlled by a few rich and they therefore fear insecurity more than they fear the loss of liberty. While I agree with the analysis of the situation, I cannot accept the conclusion that the choice is either bread or freedom. To the Latin Americans, it is 'Pan o Libertad.'

I submit the conjunction should be 'and' and not 'or.' It should be bread and freedom and this is attainable under an honest and just regime.

In the boredom of my isolation, I often engaged in mental gymnastics and built castles in the air. I had plans of working with you on some national projects that will give our people both bread and freedom, security and liberty.

I saw you doing the homework, while I did the field work. I saw you doing the planning and I the implementing.

Senator Tañada on several occasions told me of your unselfishness and dedication, of your practical approach to problems, of your down-to-earth observation of everyday human affairs. These are the qualities needed by today's leadership. But above all these traits, you possess the integrity of character that could not be cowed by fear or threats to life. These last qualities are vital to greatness--and make the difference between the ordinary public servant and the statesman.

I'm afraid, my dream-plans will now have to be shelved. But I hope you'll continue the good work in your usual selfless dedication. I hope to clear a little patch in the forest and my effort will not be in vain if behind me come the tillers.

Please give your wife my warm affections and I sincerely believe you are what you are because of her. Tell her I shall await with bated breath our inevitable reunion in the celestial kingdom of Love!

Affectionately yours,


Thursday, August 20, 2009

Ninoy Aquino: Hero Who Could Cry

Below is an excerpt from the book "A Hero Worth Living For" (ISBN 978-971-91523-9-2), written and published by veteran journalist and teacher, Alice Colet Villadolid, in 2007. The excerpt (pp. 104-5) shows Benigno 'Ninoy' Aquino, Jr. as a "freedom fighter who could blush and cry." Villadolid wrote:

Soon after Ninoy's brutal assassination on August 21, 1983, I was recalling memories of him with his best friend, Salvador 'Doy' Laurel who would later become vice president. Doy remembered how in the month before Ninoy was killed, they were together in San Francisco, USA. They decided to see the movie "Gandhi" at a neighborhood theater. Doy recalled, "Scenes showing demonstrators being bludgeoned brought tears to his eyes. I felt like crying too. It had a special appeal to us being both in the Opposition. As Gandhi fasted to [near] death in the movie, we both cried."

In June 1983, another Opposition figure met with him in New York City. Raul M. Gonzalez had been one of Ninoy's defense lawyers when he ran and won a senatorial seat in 1967 [and when he was tried by a military tribunal under Martial Law]. The opponent had moved to disqualify him on the ground he had violated the legal minimum age requirement that he should have been at least 35 when elected senator.

Gonzalez told me in an interview, "Ninoy fought this legal battle with prodigiousness and skill. He argued before the Electoral Tribunal that the term 'election' in the law referred to the entire process, from balloting through counting of votes and proclaiming the results. So he would have reached the minimum age for a senator when he was proclaimed elected."

Gonzalez recalled that in the 1983 meeting in New York City, he had accompanied Ninoy to the Time-Life Building for an interview: "Then he went shopping around Times Square. He was looking for an E.T. doll for his daughter Kris. We could not find any. Yet he kept on walking, looking into every shop for the doll. 'Kris will be so disappointed I did not find it,' Ninoy said."

Tuesday, August 18, 2009

Marikina Book Mini-Critique

Below is a partial reproduction of a mini-critique of the book, "The Will To Change: Marikina and Its Innovations," published by the Ateneo School of Government and the Marikina City government. The evaluation was made by Dr. Isagani Cruz, a multi-awarded English and Filipino writer and a founder of the Manila Critics Circle. The whole book is downloadable in 4 parts from the School of Government website. Click Resources then Research Papers & Publications.

Marikina, the Book
by Isagani Cruz
(The Philippine Star) August 13, 2009

Here are excerpts from my speech during the launching last month of *The Will to Change: Marikina and Its Innovations*, edited by Dennis T. Gonzalez:

Literary critics talk about a book in terms of the five elements of the reading experience, namely, how a book mirrors the reality of its subject, how it expresses what its creators want to say, how it affects its readers, how it continues the tradition of books of its kind, and how it is put together as a text.

How does the book mirror the reality of Marikina the city? Marikina is the most competitive city in the National Capital Region, one of the top three most competitive cities in the country, one of the most business-friendly cities, one of the healthiest cities, one of four model cities in
infrastructure, one of the most liveable cities, and so on. It is well on its way to attaining its dream of becoming a Little Singapore. Does the book mirror that reality? Is the book well-organized, neat, tasteful, efficient, customer-friendly or reader-friendly, just like the city? My answer is simply *yes*.

How does the book express what its publishers, editor, and writers want to say? Very simply, they wanted to say that other cities should learn from Marikina. It’s really a how-to book – how to manage a city, how to remove corruption, how to instil discipline, how to attract business, and so on. The book is designed like a manual, a do-it-yourself guide for mayors and other urban leaders. Does it express what it wants to express? My answer is simply *yes*.

How does the book affect its readers? We have to wait until the readers themselves will vote with their wallets (if they buy the book), or with their time (if they sit down to go over the whole book), or with their comments (if they communicate these to the publishers). I live in Alabang
and I’m perfectly happy there, but if I had to save money for a house all over again, I would want to settle in Marikina. So if you asked me if the book affected me the way it’s supposed to affect me, my answer would simply be *yes*.

How does the book continue the tradition of books of its kind? Ordinarily, that kind of judgment would be done by the National Book Development Board (NBDB) and the Manila Critics Circle. *The bad news is that the editor heads the NBDB, so this book is automatically disqualified from receiving a National Book Award.*

To confirm that it compares well with books on other cities, just put it on the same bookshelf as those other books and see which book browsers will pick up. It’s safe to bet on this book. Is the book firmly in the tradition of inspirational and informational books about cities? My answer is simply *yes*.

Saturday, August 15, 2009

Priorities for Parties

Strong competitive parties are necessary for a strong and inclusive democracy, where the State protects the political and economic rights of both majority and minority groups, the rule of law prevails, and there is equal opportunity to justice. Philippine political parties, however, can be characterized as weak in general.

For sociologist Randolf David, the following characteristics of Philippine political parties make them quite different from North American and West-European parties:
(1) official membership is limited to politicians, (2) there is no regular recruitment of non-politician members, (3) there are no regular sources for party funds, (4) there are few party activities outside the election season, (5) party platforms are prepared mainly for compliance with State documentary requirements, and (6) loyalty to personalities is stronger than party loyalty. (David, 170)

David gave this assessment in 1996, before the Bayan Muna (People First) party was organized in 1999 and won seats in Congress since 2001 and every succeeding election. Bayan Muna is the political party of a militant mass movement that identifies foreign domination and feudal bondage as the basic problems of Philippine society. While it is the most disciplined party and it actively builds up mass membership, it remains a minority party. Some groups accuse Bayan Muna of being an electoral front of the outlawed New People’s Army of the communist insurgency.

The bigger parties (Lakas-Kampi, NPC, Liberal Party) maintain their dominance partly because of patronage politics or the prevailing culture of patron-clientism and dependency especially among the masses. The characteristics identified by David are reaffirmed a decade later by Rodolfo Severino, who concludes that there are “no real political parties” in the country “through which people can articulate their preferences, priorities and grievances” (Severino, 336).

For believers in inclusive democracy, it is imperative to strengthen Philippine political parties so they can do better in the following: (1) promoting a clear political vision and coherent policies that persuade and inspire the citizenry, (2) providing a system and context for the theoretical and practical training of current and future political leaders, and (3) raising campaign funds with efficiency, transparency, and accountability.

The parties ought to prioritize the enactment of a Political Party Development Law (House Bill 3655 and Senate Bill 67), which is stalled in the two houses of Congress. Among the major features of the proposed law are the following: the creation of “a State Subsidy Fund for both party development and campaign financing,” the requirement of full disclosure and the establishment of a monitoring system in the use of the Subsidy Fund, the requirement of an established participatory process for selecting the candidates of an accredited party, and the punishment of party-switching or political turncoatism (Casiple, 2-4).

The political parties have weak party discipline, and this weakness has roots in the history of successful party-switching by presidential candidates. The late Presidents Ramon Magsaysay (1953-1957) and Ferdinand Marcos (1965-1986) won after they changed parties to challenge the incumbent presidents who were running for re-election (Navarro, 113-15, 215-20). Fidel Ramos (1992-1998) participated in the party convention of the Laban ng Demokratikong Pilipino (LDP), the biggest party in 1991, to offer himself as its presidential candidate, but when he was not chosen, he left and formed his own party, Lakas-CMD, with which he won.

Besides a Party Development Law that can strengthen party discipline, there are other priorities, which can be drawn from a survey on political parties which was commissioned by the Konrad Adenauer Stiftung Philippines and conducted nationwide by the Social Weather Stations (SWS) on 24-29 November 2006. The survey respondents were 1,200 voting-age adults divided equally among four major study areas: the National Capital Region (NCR), Balance Luzon (outside NCR), the Visayas, and Mindanao. The survey has a margin of error of +/- 3% for the entire country. Below are the major findings.

General Dissatisfaction

Nationwide, two-thirds (67%) of the respondents say that no political party “truly promotes their welfare,” while 27% identify some political party that does so. Regardless of area (NCR, Bal. Luzon, Visayas, & Mindanao) or class (ABC, D, E), most of the respondents say that no party promotes their welfare. The 27% who say otherwise can be considered party-leaning.

Party-leaning is weak among all classes from ABC, the upper to middle classes, to class D, the working poor, and class E, the very poor. The low percentage of Filipinos that are party-leaning suggests that the parties have not sufficiently informed, inspired, and persuaded the citizenry about their political visions, policies, and platforms.

Unfortunately, “party platforms are prepared mainly for submission to the Commission on Elections.…They are not meant to be a guide to the political education of the electorate, nor to govern the conduct of those elected to public office under party emblems.” (David, 171)

The political parties are neither inspiring nor persuasive, for they “are for the most part only loose coalitions of self-centered individuals and groups without any strong binding force or program to which they are committed” (Carroll, 158).

Party Leaning and Educational Attainment

The percentage of respondents who have no party leaning decreases with progress in education. Around four-fifths (81%) of the respondents who are not elementary graduates, 69% of elementary but not high school graduates, 63% of high school but not college graduates, and 56% of college graduates say that no party promotes their welfare.

While 27% of Filipinos (projected at 13.6 million) can name some political party that promotes their welfare, 12% of non-elementary graduates, 25% of elementary but not high school graduates, 29% of high school but not college graduates, and 38% of college graduates can do so. Party leaning among Filipino adults seems to increase with higher educational attainment.

Party Characteristics

Respondents were shown certain characteristics of political parties, and were asked to identify to which parties they applied. The characteristics are as follows: (a) does many things that benefit the citizens; (b) has noble leaders; (c) has a realistic platform; (d) recruits candidates who are truly qualified; (e) interacts with many sectors like farmers, workers, indigenous peoples, etc; (f) faithful to the true will of the party members.

A plurality of Filipino adults (28-31%), regardless of class, says that no party has the favorable characteristics enumerated above. Among party-leaning Filipinos, college graduates have a stronger tendency to affirm those characteristics in some party.

Except with one characteristic, Lakas-CMD is the top choice followed by the Liberal Party (LP) and Bayan Muna, among the respondents who have identified a party that possesses those favorable characteristics.

Party Capabilities

Respondents were asked which political party “has great capability” in the following:
(a) addressing the problems of the economy; (b) fighting inflation in the cost of living; (c) eradicating graft and corruption; (d) promoting peace and order; (e) reconciling with Muslim rebels; (f) resolving the communist insurgency.

A plurality of Filipino adults (29-33%), regardless of class, says that no party has the capabilities enumerated above. Lakas is the top choice followed by the LP, among the respondents who identify a party that possesses those capabilities.

On the question about which party has great capability in “reconciling with Muslim rebels,” 33% say no party. As regards geographical area, there is a notable gap between 44% of NCR respondents and 24% of Mindanao respondents who say no party.

On the question about which party has great capability in “resolving the communist insurgency,” 33% say no party. As regards geographical area, there is a notable gap between 45% of NCR respondents and 27% of Mindanao respondents who say no party.

Party Membership

Party leaning increases with educational attainment among Filipino adults in which 38% of college graduates have party leaning, while only 12% of non-elementary graduates do so. Party-leaning college graduates, however, have the lowest percentage of those who consider themselves party members. Among party-leaning Filipinos, 10% of college graduates, 17% of high school but not college graduates, 22% of elementary but not high school graduates, and 22% of non-elementary graduates consider themselves party members. These figures suggest that political parties ought to target more college graduates in their recruitment for party membership.

Nationwide, only 5% of Filipino adults (approximately 2.4 million) consider themselves party members, and Mindanao is notable for having the highest percentage (11%) of those who regard themselves as party members. Also, party members nationwide constitute only 18% of those Filipinos who have party leaning.

Reasons for Membership

Respondents were asked to choose from five reasons that would induce them to become members or continue to be members of a political party, and were allowed multiple responses. A third (35%) say they want to learn more about politics; 28% want to participate in selecting party candidates for national offices; 24% want to participate in selecting party candidates for local offices; 19% want to have access to politicians; 13% want to participate in formulating the party programs. At 37%, class D has the greatest interest in learning more about politics, with class E at 34%, and classes ABC at 26%.

Among college graduates, the opportunity to select national candidates is considered slightly more important (32%) than the opportunity to learn more about politics (30%). Also, college graduates have the most interest in participating in the formulation of party programs (16%).

For those college graduates who consider themselves party members, their interest in formulating party programs is their most preferred reason (47%) for their continuing membership. Political parties ought to target more college graduates for recruitment if they want members who have less interest in patronage politics and more interest in shaping party programs and policies.

For party members in classes ABC, access to politicians is their most preferred reason (59%) for membership, while for those in class D, this is their least preferred reason (20%). The most preferred reason of party members in class D is the opportunity to participate in selecting the party’s local candidates (37%).

The responses suggest that the parties will strengthen themselves and their support from the grass roots by engaging in recruitment and educational activities especially among class D, which has the most interest in political education, and by involving their respective members in the process of selecting the local and national candidates of the parties.

Without a law that requires an established participatory process in selecting candidates and which strengthens and regulates campaign financing, candidate selection “can be bought from the parties” (Hellmann, 10).


When asked about party-switching by politicians after elections, about half of the respondents (49%) say this is neither bad nor right. A third (35%) say this is bad (usually or always), while 15% say this is right (usually or always). The high plurality of respondents who are neutral or indifferent on this issue is one of the roots of weak party discipline.

Neutral opinion on party-switching prevails in Balance Luzon (54%), in class D (50%), and among high school but not college graduates (54%), with the balance of opinion tilting toward those who say it is bad. Negative opinion as regards party-switching is most pronounced in the Visayas (43%), in classes ABC (42%), and among college graduates (43%).

Negative opinion is higher among those who consider themselves party members (49%) than that of the general population (35%), and this negative opinion is most pronounced in the Visayas (67%), among non-elementary graduates (74%) and college graduates (66%), and in class D (59%). It seems that party members in class D are the ones who can be considered vanguards against party-switching.

Among the 35% who say party-switching is bad, two-thirds (65%) say that politicians who do this should be removed from their posts rather than be fined or left unpunished, and this opinion has the highest percentages regardless of area, class, and educational attainment especially in the Visayas (75%), in class E (74%), and among elementary but not high school graduates (76%).

Importance of Candidate over Party

When asked about the importance of the candidate versus the party in their voting decisions, pluralities of Filipinos by area and educational attainment said that “the candidate and the party matter equally,” whether one voted for a member of Congress (46%) or for a Mayor (44%). The balance of opinion tilts towards those who say that “only the candidate matters,” whether one votes for a member of Congress (29%) or for Mayor (33%).

High pluralities of class D (49%) and class E (41%) say that candidate and party matter equally when voting for Congress. With classes ABC, 40% say that candidate and party matter equally, but another 40% say that only the candidate matters, when voting for Congress. Only the candidate matters for 28% of class D and 27% of class E.

When voting for Mayor, high pluralities of class D (47%) and class E (42%) say that candidate and party matter equally. With classes ABC, a high plurality (47%) says that only the candidate matters when voting for Mayor.

The tilt of opinion towards the candidate is stronger among classes ABC. For those who maintain the belief that candidate and party matter equally, class D should be their primary target of recruitment for party membership.

In the eyes of the public, the importance of a political party will never be able to sufficiently match or surpass the importance of its individual candidates, as long as the party’s commitment and effectiveness in helping its candidates towards electoral victory is not matched by its commitment and effectiveness in articulating and promoting a clear political vision and coherent policies and programs.

Awareness of Party Association of Prominent Politicians

When asked about which politicians came to mind when specific parties were mentioned, pluralities of the respondents either said “none” (36% to 43%) or they “don’t know” (35% to 38%). These responses show low public awareness of the link of prominent politicians with their respective parties. This low awareness suggests that politicians do insufficient public promotion of their parties.


Politicians and their parties have insufficiently informed, inspired, and persuaded the citizenry about their party visions, policies, and platforms. This partly explains the low percentage of Filipinos that are party-leaning (27%).

It is probable that insufficient party discipline and the propensity of many politicians to switch parties lessen party ability to persuade and inspire citizens to support party visions and policies, but in turn the high plurality of citizens (49%) who are neutral or indifferent to party-switching does not encourage political leaders to strengthen party discipline.

There is a significant minority (35%) of Filipinos who think that party-switching is usually or always bad, and most of those who hold this negative opinion agree that the political turncoat should be punished by removal from his/her elective post.

A plurality of Filipino adults (at least 28%), regardless of class, says that no party has favorable characteristics such as “has noble leaders,” “recruits candidates who are truly qualified,” “faithful to the true will of the party members,” etc; a plurality also says no party has great capabilities in “resolving the communist insurgency,” reconciling with Muslim rebels,” “promoting peace and order,” etc.

Among the Filipinos who identified a party as possessing the enumerated favorable characteristics and capabilities, Lakas-CMD, the biggest party, is the top choice in 11 out of 12 categories, with the Liberal Party as the 2nd choice in 8 out of 12 categories. Bayan Muna is the top choice in 1 category, and the 2nd choice in another category.

Pluralities of Filipinos by area and educational attainment say that the candidate and the party matter equally, whether one votes for a member of Congress (46%) or for a Mayor (44%). The balance of opinion, however, tilts towards those who say it is only the candidate that matters, and this tilt towards the candidate is strongest among classes ABC.

Political parties should take to heart the survey findings that show that the most preferred reason for party membership is the opportunity to learn more about politics (35%). In this light, parties ought to organize more educational and recruitment activities in which they articulate and explain their political visions and policies.

Unfortunately, political parties are mere electoral vehicles of politicians during the campaign period and their friendship clubs outside the election season. To ensure mass memberships, parties should do more recruitment of non-politicians like professionals, small entrepreneurs, and private sector employees from class D, which among the classes has the most interest in political education and the highest plurality of those who believe that the candidate and the party matter equally in voting for a national legislator and a local chief executive.

The parties will strengthen themselves and their support from the grass roots by involving their respective members in the process of selecting their national and local candidates. The opportunity to participate in the process of candidate selection follows the opportunity for political education as a major reason for Filipinos to join and stay in a party.

Parties should target also college graduates for recruitment, as they have the following: (a) the least interest in patronage politics, (b) the most interest in shaping party programs, (c) the highest percentage of those with party leaning, and (d) the lowest percentage of party members.

Political parties ought to prioritize political education and mass membership, as only 5% of Filipino adults (around 2.4 million) consider themselves party members, while there are 27% of Filipinos (around 13.6 million) who can be regarded as party-leaning or who do not think that all political parties are worthless to them.

The priorities ought to include also the completion of the Political Party Development Law that would create a State Subsidy Fund for party development and campaign financing, require an established participatory process for selecting party candidates, and punish party-switching.

Sources Consulted:

2006 Social Weather Stations (SWS) Survey on Philippine Political Parties

Carroll, John. “Democracy from below?” In Engaging Society: The Sociologist in a War Zone, 157-63. By id. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press, 2006.

Casiple, Ramon. “Philippine Political Party Reform: Reality and Concrete Action.” Unpublished paper, 2008.

David, Randolf. “Political Parties in the Philippines.” In Reflections on Sociology and Philippine Society, 170-78. By id. Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press, 2001.

Gonzalez, Dennis. “Elections, Popular Culture, and Democracy.” In How To Win an Election: Lessons from the Experts, 10-19. Edited by Chay F. Hofileña. Quezon City: Ateneo School of Government, 2006.

Hellmann, Olli. “The Organization of Political Parties in the Philippines: Western Theory Meets Eastern Experience.” Powerpoint presentation. Ateneo School of Government, Makati City, 23 June 2008.

Navarro, Nelson. What’s Happening to Our Country? The Life and Times of Emmanuel Pelaez. Makati City: Emmanuel Pelaez Foundation, 2008.

Severino, Rodolfo. “Summary, Conclusions, and Additional Thoughts.” In Whither the Philippines in the 21st Century?, 330-45. Edited by Rodolfo Severino and Lorraine Salazar. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2007.

Saturday, August 1, 2009

Prayer for the Gift of Cory Aquino (1933-2009)

O God, You have set Cory Aquino free
from the deep pit of pain and defeat.
You have overshadowed her with your wings,
safe under your bright and sunny feathers.
You have been tender and strong to her,

like a mother who protects her brood.
She had the heart to face every danger.

with your faithfulness as strength & defense.

Thank You for her spirit of courage & hope
which moved our people beyond fear & frustration.
Even though her faith was tested to its limit,
she prayed and clung to You, her rest & relief.
She trusted in You, the God who uplifts,
with a faith that moves mountains & levels hills.
Now her own spirit has seen & heard
your holy judgment & great mercy.
With her faith we shall escape lasting harm,
whatever ordeal shall come to our country.

She showed us that You are our hope.
You are our refuge and stronghold.
No great evil will overwhelm us;
no final destruction will crush us.
In your presence she will cheer for us
to take the high though narrow road.
In your holy strength, in impossible faith,
we shall bind the powers that corrupt & abuse.

In love You have bound yourself to us
to rescue from danger and distress
as we hold on to the mystery of mercy
that none can ever match or surpass.
We have known You in intimate trust.
Deep in our heart we want to be loyal & true.
In our mourning & sorrow You remain with us.
You will set us free in your inner radiance.

May we live like Cory to be full of years
and abundant in your peace and fidelity.